Category Archives: Book reviews, summaries and excerpts

Do we have an innate sense of fairness?

This provides a potential missing link between system and agency in explaining why inequality leads to violence such as riots… How Growing Inequality Hurts the Middle Class by Robert H. Frank (2007) – Even though it’s not focussed on those suffering real deprivation – if inequality hurts those in the middle this much – it can surely be applied to help explain why the really deprived in unequal societies might occassionally display signs of anti-social behaviour… Of course you may have seen this, but it’s relatively new to me, even though it’s four years old…

Frank offers up considerable evidence that human beings have an innate sense of justice – they care about their position relative to others and feel that if they are not getting their fare share in relation to their peers, then a sense of injustice and negative emotions arise – most notably anger… (taken from the text)
Do you teach kids to care about relative position or do they just discover it on their own?

Why not try the 'orange juice' expt. on your kids?

I was curious and did an experiment with my two older boys when they were young. David was seven and Jason was five, and it was a three day experiment. I gave them each a full glass of orange juice on the first day. I watched them each day. What did they do? Nothing on the first day! I cut them back to a half glass on day 2. Did they complain? “Why did we get only half a glass?” No, they again drank their orange juice without comment. The pay-off was day 3. David got 7/8 of a glass, Jason ¾—what psychologists call a “just noticeable difference,” where you need to carefully make sure there is a difference. Sure enough – I could see Jason’s eyes go back and forth between the two glasses. He could tell it wasn’t going to play out well if he complained, but he just couldn’t bottle it up any longer. He finally blurted out “That’s not fair. He always gets more than me.” We don’t teach them to do that, they just do it.

He goes on to provide an excellent account of evidence for greater equality leading to greater pyschological well-being  

So this is basically to pyschology what the Spirit Level is to Sociology – and I believe that Will Hutton in ‘Them and Us’ builds a similar arguement…although I’ve only just skimmed that book thus far – but while the war against the unread pile may be unwinnable, I think we are making ground in the war against neoliberalism in general and the Tories in particular…Check out the latest Yougov polls for some encouraging signs on this.  

 

Good Economic Policy Does Not Require Good Economists

Hi, just a brief summary of the penultimate chapter of ’23 Things They Don’t Tell You About Capitalism’

The key point of this chapter is that many economic success stories are to be found in countries where economic policy was not run by ‘expert economists’ – East Asian countries  in the 1980s are cases in point – especially and most obviously China.  It is only since the rise of neoliberal economics and the Chicago School (of economics, not sociology!) especially that economic experts and policy has basically screwed the majority.

This chapter also offers a good summary-critique of neoliberalism. I thought I’d just share a few choice sections – It’s nice to see such a succinct, potted critique – reminds you of just how horrific neoliberalism is!

‘During the last three decades the increasing influence of ‘free- market’ economics has resulted in poorer economic performance all over the world – lower economic growth, greater economic instability, increased inequality and finally culminatingin the disaster of the 2008 world financial crisis. Insofar as we need economics, we need different kinds of economics from free-market economics.’

Chang then points out that many of the fastest growing economies of the last 5 decades did not practise free market economics – [most obviously China], and he goes on to say that ‘there are reasons to think that [neoliberal free market] economics may be positively harmful for the economy… Over the last three decades, economists played an important role in creating the conditions of the 2008 financial crisis (and dozens of smaller financial crises that came before it since the early 1980s, – the 1982 Third World debt crisis, the 1995 Mexico peso crisis, the 1997 Asian crisis and the 1998 Russian crisis) by providing theoretical justifation for financial deregulation and the unrestrained pursuit of short term profits. More broadly, they advanced theories that justified policies that lead to slower growth, higher inequalty, heightened job insecurity and more frequent financial crises that have dogged the world in the last three decades.

‘On top of that they pushed for policies that weakened the prospects for long-term development in developing countries. In the rich countires these economists encouraged people to overestimate the power of new technologies, made people’s lives more and more unstable, made them ignore the loss of national control over the economy and rendered them complacement about de-industrialisation. Moreover, they supplied arguments that insist that all those economic outcomes that many in the world find objectionable – such as rising inequality and poverty in poor countries are really inevitable, given selfish and rational human behaviour.”

In short, says Chang, economists (most of whom who have any policy-power subscribe to neoliberalism) has done a huge amount of harm to our society…

The message of hope, and coming back to the title of the post, is that we don’t need expert economists to turn our economy round – so trust ye in the little the guys – such as the E.F. Schumacher brigade, the New Economics Foundation and the guys at http://falseeconomy.org.uk/– the peops therein may not be as well trained as those versed in classical and neoliberal economics, but if they were running the economy, we’d probably all be a lot more prosperous and secure right now.

23 Things they Don’t tell you about Capitalism

Just a few notes and key points from this excellent book by Ha-Joon Chang –

The book basically busts a lot of neoliberal myths. It’s worth noting from the outset that Chang isn’t a Marxist, he accepts that market systems are basically sound, and argues that what we need is a more globalised – Keynsian style of regulation to prevent neoliberal strains of free market fundamentalism.

The book is, unsurprisingly, split into 23 chapters – each chapter briefly outlines ‘one thing market fundamentalists tell us about Capitalism’ and then looks at criticisms of what we are told, thus myth busting neoliberalism and showing it up for the flawed ideology that it is.

To my mind, this is an excellent book, that finds the right balance between an academic and populist tone – the criticisms of Capitalism are made using both easy to understand analogies and stories as well as hard historical – statististical data.

Teachers of A level Sociology can use elements of this in the Global Development Module, or even to illustrate Marxist ideas of ideology (although I imagine more than half of your students just wouldn’t get it!)

Just a few of my favourite myth-buts of neo-liberalism (I’ll add in a more details later!)

Thing 1 – There is no such thing as a free market – Even today markets are regulated at both an international and national level – the most obvious example of this being immigration controls, which, if removed, would lead to mass migrations and significantly lower wages for people in the developed world. Other examples include there not being markets in people (no slavery), organs, and the fact that child labour is illegal.

We regulate some markets to such an extent that we ban trade all together, and thus it is clear that what counts as a ‘free market’ is a political decision. The ‘free market’ today isn’t something that just exists independently of the political sphere – freedoms are restricted when trading in certain goods and services are deemed too harmful or morally unacceptable. This of course lays the foundation for arguing that we should regulate speculative financial and commodity markets given the harm that they cause.

Thing 2Companies should not be run in the interests of their owners – what Chang means by this is that companies should not be run in the interests of shareholders – because shareholders are always after short term returns on their investment – and thus companies are run by managers in order to maximise short term returns (year on year dividends) rather than longer term productivity growth. – Later on in the book (see thing 18) Chang outlines how General Motors recently failed to invest in new technologies to make better cars – which would have made them more competitive with foregin companies, but instead invested billions in setting up new financial services because the short term return on the later was greater – thus pleasing shareholders. The end result of this is that what was once the biggest and most productive company in America was transformed in the space of three decades into a basket case that had to go begging to the US government for a bail out – but the shareholders did very nicely, and now their money’s elsewhere – it’s just the workers and the tax payer that suffered!

In this chapter Chang also provides a brief overview of the development of the Corporation – essentially it emerges that three innovations in Corporate development since the the beginning of last century have lead to the disaster that is modern capitalism – firstly, limited liability, secondly the rise of the managerial class (rather than individual Capitalists) running firms and finally the rise of shareholder ownership – these three things combined, which on their own are not necessarily in themselves bad and were in fact either necessary or desirable to keep Capitalism profitable, these three things combined have created the conditions that make companies work against the interests of the country – because now we have managers who are covered by limited liability and thus free to take risks that are beholden to shareholders to make short term gains. Chang’s not a Marxist, but I’d say this looks like a fetter situation!  

Thing 7 – Free-market policies rarely make poor countries rich

Chang points out that, with only a few exceptions, all of today’s rich countries have become rich through a combination of protectionism, subsidies and other policies that they advise developing countries not to adopt.

Looking at China as a case study – until a decade ago, China was highly protectionist, with an average industrial tariff rate well above 30%, and very visible trade restrictions still remain. The country has restrictions on cross-border flows of capital, a state owned and highly regulated banking sector, and numerous restrictions on foregin ownership of financial assets. Foreign firms often complain about being discriminated against. The country has no elections and is riddled with corruption and has complicated property rights. In particular, its protection of intellectual property rights is weak, making it the piracy capital of the world. The country also has a large number of state owned companies which are propped up with subsidies!

Chang then goes into a wonderful section in which he looks at the economic policies put forward by the previous American Presidents that appear on the different bank notes – many of them protectionist – policies correlated with economic growth throughout previous decades. This deserves a post on its own so I’ll save this for later!

America and China are not exceptions (even if they were – these, along with the UK  are the two most significant  economic powerhouses to have shaped history -OK with China I’m getting a bit Futerist – sorry about that – as a rule I don’t trust Futerists – and neither should you) – there are many countries in different situations that have witnessed economic growth while practising protectionist economic policy – Finland, Denmark, Germany, Taiwan, Korea and Switzerland are all examples.

Most importantly for early econmic development is the protection of ‘infant industries’ – virtually all of today’s rich countries did this early on, and most of them severley restricted foreign investment.

There are essentially three reasons why developing countries should adopt protectionist economic policies rather than opening themselves up the international free market forces –

1. Developing countries are, by definition, undeveloped, they are thus in no state to compete on the world stage with devleoped economies and their advanced technologies and managerial efficiencies. In a similar way, you would not send your 6 year old son out to compete with 26 year olds, you would protect him from the labour market and send him to school, so that when he reaches his 20s he is better educated and thus more competitive. Developing countries should protect their infant industries in a similar way.

2. In early stages of development, markets are especially vulnerable to manipulation by big (read here foreign) actors – and so the government needs to restrict thier behaviour.

3. the govt. needs to do many things itself because there are not enough private sector firms capable of providing what is needed for development.

Despite the above, the IMF has encouraged developing countries to open up their borders and expose their economies to the full force of global competition, using the conditions attached to aid. It’s been a case of ‘do as I say, not do as I did’.

Developing countries have seen a slow down in economic growth since the introduction of free market economic reforms in the 1980s – the 1960s to 70s saw annual growth of 3% while the era of free market reform 1980 -2000 saw growth, but this declined to 1.7%.

To summarise, few countries have become rich through free-trade, free-market policies and few ever will.

Thing 9 – We do not live in a post-industrial age

On the service it appears that manufacturing in the UK has declined hugely in significance – as evidenced by ‘deindustrialisation’ – in the 1970s 35% of the workforce were employed in manufacturing, but this has now dropped to just over 10%. The general line on this is that this doesn’t matter because we are now a post-industrial economy with more people employed in R and D and the service sectors.

However, if you look at things in terms of production and consumptin – it becomes apparent that the decline in manufacturing has not been as rapid as it at first appears – even though we spend more today on services (haircuts for example) – and we spend relatively less on computers – or we might spend as much as we did ten years ago but buy more of them – this is because computers are relatively cheaper than they were ten years ago while haircuts are relatively more expensive. This, in turn, is because computers, and most other industrial products, have become cheeper to manufacture because of productivity growth – technogical innovation meens you can get more computers per worker and so the cost goes down – something which simply cannot happen with haircuts and other face-to-face service jobs to anything like the same extent.

The problem a country like Britain has now got is that many service jobs depend on the industrial sector (most service jobs invovle working with stuff that’s been manufactured somewhere) – but we now have less control over the stuff we produce. Also, it’s difficult to see where our service sector can grow – as services, compared to physical products, are harder to export – consider the lanuguage barriers for a start – and this may well explain our declining rate of econmic growth – in other words, the idea that a service sector economy can carry on growing is pretty much a myth – there are huge barriers to this happening.

Thing 10 – The US does not have the highest living standard in the world

 

Thing 13 – making rich people richer doesn’t make the rest of us richer

Thing 23 – Good economic policy does not require good economists.

As always, there are some great reviews on Amazon!

Unjust rewards by Polly Toynbee and David Walker- a Summary

unjust rewardsUnjust Rewards – An Exploration of the extent of inequality in Modern Britain that looks at the contrasting lives of the rich and the poor is yet another book I should’ve read when I bought it over 2 years ago! Still it serves as an interesting basis for researching the differences between the rich and the poor, and their values and attitudes towards their situation.

Chapter one outlines some well touted stats on inequality in contemporary Britain – I won’t go into details, but one thing that stood out (actually from chapter 2) Looking at executive pay – between 2000 – 2007 average earnings in the UK grew by 30%, while chief executive pay among the FTSE 100 companies rose by 150%; in the United States, by 2007, the average chief executive was earning 600 times the average manual worker, I will update these at some point!

Chapter two, based around interviews with those in the top 0.1% of earners who work for city law and finance firms and earn between 500 000 and 1 million, outlines what the wealthy know about wages in modern Britain and how they justify their own worth.  NB – Toynbee found it difficult to gain access to this group – and they would only speak on the basis of anonymity.

These people, who have massive economic power and speak with authority on economic issues, have no idea about average incomes in the UK – firstly, they tend to underestimate just how wealthy they are – putting themselves closer to the average than they actually are – they thought that you would have to earn 162 000 to get into the top ten percent of earners, and that the poverty line stood at 22 000 – in reality the official figures stand at 40 000 and 11 000 respectively . They then offered the following justifications for their huge earnings –

  • They are the economic benefactors of the country
  • They are paid so much because they are competing with a global elite, so are top of the game globally rather than just nationally
  • If they weren’t paid so much they would take their huge talents elsewhere
  • They have worked hard for it – citing examples of pulling heroic all nighters to finish off contracts
  • On taxation – they believed they shouldn’t be taxed more because government can’t be trusted to spend money efficiently, and that their cash shouldn’t go to those on benefits because they are essentially feckless – basically citing the daily mail line.
  • They also believe they need their money to maintain a lifestyle equivalent to that of other people they mix with. This of course is a result of wealth and status inequality, Danny Dorling’s Injustice is good on this.

Of course, in reality, the above are myths – these people are not competing globally – most of them are British born, and have networked their way into their jobs via elite schools and universities – they are not interested in competition – they and their firms make their money by creating an image that they are the best at what they do and then selling their services for a huge profit, and they maintain their wages by blocking the majority of people from competing for their positions.

Chapter three investigates why Britain’s chief executives get paid so much money – basically those at the top are not especially talented people – and there is no correlation between company performance and executive pay – for every Alan Sugar there are dozens of bureaucratic pen pushers who just go with the flow. Worryingly old boy’s networks restrict access to the boards of the FTSE 100 companies – how else could it be that, in the age of globalization, 85% of CEOs of the FTSE 100 companies are British? Also, If there was true competition for these jobs the field would be much more international, and if there was genuine competition for these jobs, wages and bonuses would be driven down! Instead CEOs get paid as much as they do because they demand it – and they base their demands on what other CEOs are demanding – and their demands for ever increasing wages get pushed through at board meetings because of recommendations by consultants who make their recommendations for wage and bonus increases by looking at other CEOs salaries. Toynbee doesn’t analyse where the wage increases started from, which is an omission.

Chapter three…  ‘the discrete anxieties of the Bourgeoisie’ doesn’t hold together that well – it starts off by outlining how wealth differences within the top 0.1% of earners make those at the bottom of these 30 000 or so individuals feel relatively deprived compared to those at the top – the super rich – and it is these super rich who have pushed up property prices in London by being able to pay millions of pounds for the most exclusive properties. This sense of relative deprivation then filters down to ‘middle England’ who compare themselves to the richest 0.1% and some of whom may really struggle to have what they regard as a good quality of life (holidays etc.) on their 40 000 wage packets – especially if they live in the south east and if this is per household and they have family to support.

The next section of chapter three outlines a piece of research by the Fabian Society in which middle income earners were interviewed about the attitudes to taxation and poverty – initially they didn’t think anyone was really poor, but that those at the bottom were poor because of their own fecklessness – again, classic daily mail stuff – but once they were informed about the real situation, their attitudes softened and the groups agreed that an increase in income tax of 2 pence in the pound would be worth it to alleviate this poverty.

The next sections of the book look at the lives of the poor, and then policies that might help resolve inequality in modern Britain – will be forthcoming!

On the benefits of burning your children’s stuffed animals

Amy Chua and her daughters - who had a TV free chilhood
Amy Chua and her daughters - who had a TV free chilhood

Amy Chua’s latest book – Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother – argues against the weak, cuddling, Western parenting style, making the case that the much stricter approach of Chinese parents is superior. Some of the rules she subjected her own daughters to included –

  • Never letting them attend sleepovers
  • Never having ‘playdates’
  • never watching TV or playing computer games
  • Practising musical instruments 2-3 hours a day.

If their standards ever dropped, she called them garbage and threatened to burn their stuffed toys. There is a good overview of the main themes of the book here and she discusses the book in this video

This is a great example of a biographical piece of research giving us an insight into Chinese parenting and one that can easily be related to education…. while this is an extreme case study, and we need to be cautious of operating in stereotypes, there is wider research that suggests Chinese (and Indian) parents are stricter with their children and place a greater emphasis on the importance of educational achievement than parents of other ethnic backgrounds  – and they make greater efforts than white British parents, for exmpale,  to police their children to make sure they are doing their homework. Their children’s social lives are also policed to a higher degree – and Chinese and Indian children generally have less freedom.

One such piece of evidence is Francis and Archer (2005) –  in their study of British Chinese students and parents, similarly point to the high value placed on education by parents, coupled with a strong cultural tradition of respect for one’s elders, which facilitates the transmission of high educational aspiration from parents to children, and that students derive positive self-esteem from constructing themselves as good students.

There is a distinct correlation between stricter parenting and exam results – it is Chinese students who get the best GCSE results in English schools.

ethnity and educational achievement

Also, if you look at things cross nationally, according to OECD league tables, they come top in academic standards for reading, maths and science, while the UK comes 25th, 28th and 16th respectively, even though we spend considerably more per head of population on education.

What isn’t clear from the data (and also what you won’t get from one book about one family!)  is what exactly it is about the relationship between parents, children and education that makes Chinese students so good at exams. Is it that they put in more hours out of fear or guilt, or is it that they use thes time they do spend on education more effectively either because they are more focussed due to less TV or because they have better learning techniques… or because of something else?

It’s also worth considering whether this type of parenting is more or less conducive to producing children who  capabable of independent thought and action in later life than the more liberal parenting we typically get in the west.

Neo-Liberalism’s evil freedoms

PolanyiThe Marxist Thinker Karl Polanyi’s conception of ‘good and bad’ freedoms offers a useful starting point for criticising the recent tory cuts.

Below is a lengthy ammended passage from David Harvey’s ‘a brief history of neo-liberalism’. I was going to wait and publish the whole summary once I’d finished it (obviously within copyright limitations!) but I read this on the train this morning and it was just so pertinent I had to upload it asap!

Karl Polanyi in 1944 pointed out that in a complex society the meaning of freedom becomes contradictory. There are, he noted, two types of freedom, one good the other bad. Among the ‘ bad freedoms’ he listed ‘the freedom to exploit ones fellows, or the freedom to make inordinate gains without commensurable service to the community, the freedom to keep technological inventions from being used for public benefit or the freedom to profit from public calamities secretly engineered for private advantage. Polanyi argues that all of these types of freedom throve under a competitive market (capitalist) economy. However,  this same capitalist system that is responsible for these ‘evil freedoms’ also gives rise to ‘god freedoms’ that most of us cherish – such as Freedom of speech, freedom of meeting, freedom to choose one’s own job. 

According to Polanyi we need greater regulation of the market in order to achieve a greater amount of ‘good freedoms’ for the majority. We need, for example to restrict those types of freedom such as ‘the freedom to make gains from others without giving a commensurable service back to the community’ and this should result. In Polanyi’s own words…

‘The passing of the market economy can become the beginning of an era of unprecedented freedom. Judicial and actual freedom can be made wider and more general than ever before; regulation and control can achieve freedom not only for the few, but for all… Industrial society can afford to be both just and free.’

Unfortunately, Polanyi noted, the passage to such a future is blocked by the ‘moral obstacle’ of liberal utopianism (read ‘neo-liberalism) in which…

‘Planning and control are being attacked as a denial of freedom. Free enterprise and private ownership are declared to be essentials of freedom. No society built on other foundations is said to deserve to be called free. The freedom that regulation creates is denounced as unfreedom; the justice, liberty and welfare it offers are decried as a camouflage of slavery. ‘

The idea of freedom ‘thus degenerates into a mere advocacy of free enterprise. This means a mere pittance of liberty for the people, who may in vain attempt to make use of their democratic rights to gain shelter from the power of the owners of property.’ But if, as is always the case, ‘no society is possible in which power and compulsion are absent, nor a world in which force has no function, then the only way this liberal utopian vision could be sustained is by force, violence and authoritarianism. Liberal or neoliberal utopianism is doomed, in Polanyi’s view, to be frustrated by authoritarianism, or even outright fascism. The good freedoms are lost, the bad ones take over.

text in this blog adapted from this!
text in this blog adapted from this!

Polanyi’s analysis appears particularly relevant today given the following

  1. 1. America has persistently used military force, both covertly and overtly, to install neo-liberal states which protect the property and profit rights of the wealthy while stamping on the rights of the majority to basic public services, freedom of expression and association. Read Naomi Klein’s Shock Doctrine, for the evidence.
  2. 2. Many Corporations have profited from natural disasters and war – Halliburton and Blackwater being the most obvious.
  3. 3. You might also want to look up how Goldman Sachs is profiting from dealing in basic food supplies, pushing prices up. Sachs profits, while people in the developing world starve. Will post on this rather complex issue later.

This is a great moral and philosophical tradition from which to argue against the Tory Cuts – by cutting Corporation Tax and encouraging them to use tax havens, the Tories are allowing the elite class to have even more freedom, but by cutting public services and hassling 12 year olds that want to protest, they then limit the freedom of expression of the majority.

The argument we should be making against the Tory cuts is that there is a direct relationship between the elite class having too much of the wrong kind of freedom – these are the freedoms which cause social problems.

TORYS – IF YOU WANT THE PROTESTS TO STOP YOU NEED TO LIMIT THE EVIL FREEDOMS OF THE FEW – THE FREEDOMS WHICH HURT THE MAJORITY

Neo Liberalism and rising crime

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In this book (published 2008)Robert Reiner analyses trends in crime since the 1950s and argues that neoliberal economic policies are associated both with higher levels of serious crime than social democracies and with more punitive and inhumane crime control.

Reiner argues that there are three main historical trends in crime post World War Two:

  • 1950s – 1980s – rapid recorded crime rise
  • 1980s – 1992 – crime explosion
  • 1992 onwards – Ambiguously falling crime.

In this post I will outline Reiner’s analysis of why crime trends have varied over the last six decades, focussing especially on how neo-liberalism lead to rapidly increasing crime rates during the 1980s and 1990s.

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1950s – 1980s – rapid recorded crime rise

Reiner argues that a variety of factors lead to increasing crime during this period. Among them are –

  1. The 1950s was the decade when we entered the age of mass consumerism – it was the first decade where it was regard as normal and desirable to have a high level of consumption of material goods.
  2.  Reiner explicitly notes the role of television in ushering in a consumer culture and the norm of ‘immediate gratification’ – ‘ It is perhaps no coincidence that the rise in crime began in the same year (1955) that ITV, the first commercial channel, began to broadcast’,
  3. Reiner argues that a combination of advertising and game show culture (stressing the idea that you can get rich quick for doing nothing) undermined the previously widespread norm of deferred gratification pointing out that criminals tend to be impulsive, insensitive, risk taking and short sighted – which in his eyes also describes the perfect consumer in a capitalist society.
  4. Reiner also reminds us that the mid 1950s saw a weakening of informal and formal controls. The 50s saw the emergence of independent youth cultures and declining deference to authority.

 

1980s – 1992 – crime explosion

Maggie Thatcher - She pimped our nation to neo-liberalism, created the underclass and spawned a high crime society
Maggie Thatcher - She pimped our nation to neo-liberalism, created the underclass and spawned a high crime society

Reiner argues that the neoliberal economic policies of Margaret Thatcher’s government was the key accelerant behind this ‘crime explosion’ From this section we can identify several factors that explain an increase in the crime rate –

  1. Increasing levels of long term unemployment
  2. An increase in insecure, low paid, casual jobs (McJobs)
  3. Declining wages for unskilled workers
  4. Increasing levels of inequality
  5. A culture of egoism – the ‘me’ society
  6. The withdrawal of public services and supports, especially for women and children,
  7. The erosion of informal and communal networks of mutual support, supervision and care;
  8. The spread of a materialistic, neglectful and ‘hard’ culture;
  9. The unregulated marketing of the technology of violence
  10. The weakening of social and political alternatives to neo-liberal political economy
  11. The spread of consumerist culture
  12. Increasing social inequality and exclusion, involved a heightening of Mertion ‘anomie’.
  13. The erosion of conceptions of ethical means of success being preferable, or of concern for others limiting ruthlessness.

 

 Reiner’s take on Neo-Liberalism and how it relates to crime…

Reiner says of Neo-Liberalism – It is the economic theory and practise that has swept the world since the late 1970s. As an economic doctrine it postulates that free markets maximise efficiency and prosperity by signalling consumer wants to producers, optimising the allocation of resources and providing incentives for entrepreneurs and workers. Beyond economics, however, neo-liberalism has become the hegemonic discourse of our culture’

Neoliberalism as culture and ethic

To neoliberals free markets are associated with democracy, liberty and ethics. Welfare states they claim have many moral hazards: they undermine personal responsibility, and meet the sectional interests of public sector workers but not the public. Neoliberals advocate market discipline, wand Public- private partnerships to counteract this.

Neolieralism has spread from the economic sphere to the social and cultural. The roots of contemporary consumer culture predate neoliberal dominance, but it has now become hegemonic. Aspirations and conceptions of the good life have become thoroughly permeated by materialist and acquisitive values. Business solutions, business news and business models permeate all fields of life from sport and entertainment to charities and even crime control.

Neoliberalisation has meant the financialisation of everything, penetrating everywhere from the stuff of dreams to the minutiae of everyday life. Money has become the measure of men and women with the ‘Rich List’ and its many variations ousting all other rankings of status.

 1992 onwards – Ambiguously falling crime

_44841640_trends_in_crime_466v3

Reiner says of crime in this period  –

  1. No grand narrative can help explain wy crime is falling.
  2. He dismisses the view that zero tolerance policing and mass incarceration have reduced the crime rate – because there is considerable evidence that crime rates have fallen in countries that haven’t employed these policies. It is very important to note that the ‘tough on crime’ approach is much more likely to be found in neoliberal countries such as Britain and is part of the ideology of neoliberalism. The New Right claim it is necessary to reduce crime – but this is a false claim because crime has been decreasing elsewhere!
  3. There has been a fall in long term unemployment that partially explains the fall in crime
  4. There has been a halt in the acceleration of inequality – which at least helps to explain why crime is not growing!

Reiner finishes off by noting that today there is a paradox of security – although crime has been going down since the mid 1990s, public fears of crime have not declined at anywhere near the same rate – there is thus a ‘reassurance gap’ – one of the reasons Reiner cites for this is that when we see increased measures of control – we think they must be there for a reason – so we assume the crime rate must be high. The paraphernalia of crime control reminds us that the risk of being a victim of crime is significant.

Look out for my next blog when I’ll be summarising Reiner’s views on the relationship between neo-liberalism and tougher measures of crime control

The best books I ever read…..

Books – Ah books – If only students would read them!

My top five books with sociological content

At some point I will do a detailed analysis of why these books are in my top five – but for the most part it’s because they are typically based on rigorous research and move theoretical debates forward.   At some later point in time I will sort these by topic and add more in.

  1. Klein, N. (2008) The Shock Doctrine. London: Penguin (reprint edition).  
  2. Harvey D. (1991) The Condition of Postmodernity: An enquiry into the conditions of social change. Wiley- Blackwell.  
  3. Collier, P. (2007) The Bottom Billion – Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  4. Chomsky, N. (2004) Hegemony or Survival: America’s quest for global dominance. London: Penguin Books.  
  5. Wilkinson, R and Pickett, K. (2009) The spirit level – Why more equal societies almost always do better. London: Penguin books.   

 And some other good ones I’ve read over the years… in alphabetical order by author….

Banyard, K. (2010) The equality illusion : The truth about men and women today. London: Faber and Faber.

Bauman, Z. (2000) Liquid Modernity. London: Polity Press.

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23 things they don’t tell you about Capitalism

A brief summary of some of the key themes in a talk by Ha-Joon Chang based on his book ’23 things they don’t tell you about Capitalism’ – relevant to the A2 Module on Global Development – He is basically critiquing neo-liberalism.

He claims that 95% of economics is common sense deliberately made complicated and that ordinary people can understand most of economics fairly easily. He wants to help ordinary people engage in ‘active economic citizenship’ and demand the right decisions from their leaders…. I imagine he would say a big fat ‘NO’ to the Tory cuts!

This is very much along the same lines as Joseph Stiglitz and David Harvey btw…!

His basic point seams to be that Capitalism is the best economic system in world history, yet our present form of Western Capitalism (there are many types) – ie neo-liberalism – has served us very badly. We have been told that things have been going very well – what with post-industrialism and the new knowledge economy – but things have not been going well since the 1970s. Neo-Liberal policies have been very bad at generating economic growth – the world economy has slowed down massively over the last three decades. What has also happened is that the rich have got richer and many economies have become less stable.

He also points out that in those countries where neo-liberal policies have been applied the most rigourously have often seen the lowest levels of growth – such as in much of sub-sharahan Africa. Those countries that have grown the quickest – China and India did not apply neo-liberal policies to the extent that countries in Africa did.  

Anyway – just some of the points he makes – some of the things neo-liberal idealogues do not tell us about Capitalism are as follows (he is destroying the myths of free market, neo-liberal ideology)….

1. There is no such thing as a ‘free market’ – ‘freedom of the market is in the eyes of the beholder. The very definition of the ‘free market’ – who can participate, what can be bought and sold for example – is political.

2. Under neo-liberalism… Companies are not run in the interests of the owners – these days companies are owned by free floating shareholders who are primarily interested in short term profit (high dividends) which can harm the long term interests of the company – which requires investment in infrastructure and training of the workers. The shareholders can always move onto another company.

3. The market is not just – he gives two examples of two bus drivers – one in India who gets paid less than one in Germany – the chances are that the driver in India is more skilled as he drives on more dangerous roads….

4. We are still living in planned economies, despite the collapse of communism

5. Making rich people richer does not make the rest of us rich

7. People in poor countries are more entrepeneurial than people in wealthier companies…

 

NB – DEFINITION – Neo- liberalism is an economic and political ideology that believes state control over the economy is undesirable and seeks to transfer control of the economy from the state to the private sector. It gained popularity amongst politicians and influential economists following the economic crisis of the late 1970s. It involves three main policies –

 

  • Deregulation – Nation States placing less restraint on private industry. In practise this means fewer laws that restrict companies making a profit – making it easier for companies to fire workers, pay them less, and allowing them to pollute.
  • Privatisation – where possible public services such as transport and education should be handed over to private interests for them to run for a profit.
  • Cut backs in public spending – taxes should be low and so investment in public services would be cut back.